Blues Music in “Blue Chicago” by David Grazian

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The heightened commercialization and global popularity of the Chicago blues seem all the more fascinating since it represents some sort of cultural expression that is strongly attached to local settings as well as regional locations (Grazian 8). The blues triggers a deep adoration among its fans, unlike the modern adult pop and the multi-ethnic global beat of underground raving. In both America and abroad, the Blues acts as a symbol of authenticity in a universe of mixed cultures coupled with plastic intelligence, virtual realities, as well as a form of belongingness.

The local blues clubs have their symbols of authenticity being represented by overblown caricatures, the joints are mainly ramshackle with broken front doors, lit dimly, extremely smoky, with rattling sound, and funky smell (Grazian 13). They offer hard liquor, low-cost beer and are situated in seemingly dangerous-looking predominantly black neighborhoods. The joints also hire black, authentic-looking blues musicians either blind or walking on a wooden leg. The audiences are majorly black, with white customers appearing occasionally and are majorly poor, drunk, old, or blind.

The originality of this form of blues music has become so scarce due to the fact that there has been a change in the music audience. Originally the genre appealed to the Black Americans and was played at neighborhood taverns for purposes of socializing. Nowadays it is classified as hearty party music with its fan base from youthful whites who despite supporting the music with their money, are not aware of the genre’s tradition. Despite this fact, because of the issue of authenticity, the white clientele visiting the blues clubs still has expectations of being entertained by black musicians and singers, and the majority of the club owners have no alternative but to exclusively hire black bands as opposed to all-white or interracial groups.

According to recent research by Becker (6), rap music is believed to have originated from the desire of poor, ghetto, black men to write their life stories and criticize the social order and system which does not offer a platform for the growth and progress of minority groups in the U.S. Rap music is also said to be a political narrative that serves to unmask and justify violence, sex, and portray the lifestyle of rap artists. Documenting and internalizing the qualities of the music genre, there is proof that music communities arise during different developmental phases. Therefore, different researches have concluded that music communities generally operate to tackle the common obstacles and grab opportunities available to artists.

Symbolic classification in sociology has been present since days immemorial for it becomes the focal point of developing affiliations, identities, knowledge, hierarchies, and conflicts (Lena 3). The categorization of rap as a misogynist, with political undertones, and profit-oriented, has numerous consequences for artists, die-hard fans, as well as promoters. Sociologists have come up with a system of social cultural profiling for a varied set of phenomena such as religious belief, organization, gender, art, fashion, race and societies.

Conventions that develop behavioral conditioning of audience are progressively being developed. Conventions dealing with performance evaluation evolve and become the core of controversy around the genre (Becker 11). Members of a particular genre or musical community identify each other using ornamentation, unique dressing such as buggy clothing and hair styles such as cone rows for rappers, slang, dancing prowess, body workout, and drug use.

Works Cited

Becker, Howard S. Art Worlds. Berkeley, Calif: University of California Press, 2012. Print.

Grazian, David. Blue Chicago: The Search for Authenticity in Urban Blues Clubs. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003. Print.

Lena, Jennifer C. Banding Together: How Communities Create Genres in Popular Music. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2012. Print.

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