The Issue with Legalization of Recreational Marijuana

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For as long as we can remember, we have been told that marijuana was a bad thing. Some would even call it “the devil’s lettuce”. Now, as time goes by and doctors and scientists start to do their research and they start toying with the thought of marijuana possibly being a good thing for people. People from kids to senior citizens are being treated with medicinal marijuana and it is actually working.

Medicinally, marijuana is good for people, and now it is time for marijuana to be legalized recreationally. If recreational weed is legalized there will be less street crime, it will create a lot more jobs for people, and it will add billions to the economy. These are the type of proponents we need to start making the world a better place. People can still function after they use and marijuana is less harmful than alcohol. Weed might as well be legalized if all of these positive things are going to happen in return.

A lot of times, people tend to see marijuana as a bad thing or a “criminal” drug, but that is not the case. Evidence has shown that the legalization of marijuana does not exactly exterminate criminal or illegal activity but it does minimize it drastically (McCall). In 2012, Washington and Colorado were the first two states to legalize marijuana recreationally. Because they were the first to allow the recreational use of marijuana and the industry that promotes it, the two states were selected as subjects and they passed legislation.

Professionals from Washington State University, Stockton University, and the University of Utah landed at this goal consequent to taking a gander at month to month bad behavior rates in Colorado and Washington to those of 21 communicates that haven’t approved pot for restorative or recreational use, both when approval, to check whether there were any examples that strayed in Colorado and Washington; these subtleties were accumulated from the FBI’s Uniform Crime Report from 1999 to 2016 (McCall). Regardless, the assessment’s makers do raise certain limitations to their revelations.

One is that the results highlight wide, cross-state slants anyway may deny changes that happen on a more diminutive scale. They express that they can’t choose out the probability that legitimization may incorporate different effects inside the state-dependent upon the district and system. The examination is furthermore limited in the sorts of bad behavior it considers—to be explicit, certified bad behavior. Paces of those driving while weakened, for example, would not have been counted.

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